Back to index

Ep 02: Demonetisation | The Seen and the Unseen


#
It's the morning of November 8, 2016.
#
You are the Prime Minister of India for the rest of that day.
#
And in that day, you have to enact exactly one policy, which without breaking the law
#
or going against the constitution of India, hurts the people of India the most.
#
To the maximum damage, to the maximum people, whose effects will linger for the longest
#
possible time.
#
What will you do?
#
This is a thought experiment I've been posing to my friends for the past couple of months
#
and none of them, not one of them, has come up with a policy worse than what our Prime
#
Minister Narendra Modi actually announced on the evening of November 8, demonetization.
#
Welcome to the seen and the unseen.
#
Our weekly podcast on economics, politics and behavioral science.
#
Please welcome your host, Amit Bhatma.
#
Welcome to the seen and the unseen, my weekly podcast on the seen and unseen effects of
#
public policy and private action.
#
On November 8, 2016, India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced that 500 and thousand
#
rupee notes would cease to be legal tender from Bindai that day.
#
These notes constituted 86% of the cash in circulation and essentially reached into every
#
single pocket in the country.
#
My first reaction when I heard of the move was that it was bound to be a disaster.
#
I remembered Frederick Hayek's warning about the limits of knowledge.
#
A move like this disrupted too much of the economy, reached into too many lives and the
#
unknown unknowns, as it were, the unintended consequences were terrifying.
#
It's been just two and a half months since demonetization or note bandi as it's also
#
called and we are still coming to terms with the initially unseen effects.
#
None of the news is good, but the interesting thing is that even at the level of initially
#
seen effects, there is no good news.
#
The government laid out a bunch of desirable objectives, but did those really materialize?
#
To discuss the seen and the unseen effects of demonetization, I have with me today Suyash
#
Rai, an economic analyst based in Delhi.
#
Suyash, welcome to the show.
#
Thank you for having me.
#
Suyash, before I talk about the unintended consequences of demonetization, I want to
#
talk a bit about the intended effects.
#
A primary intention behind demonetization was to hit black money.
#
How far do you think the government succeeded in this?
#
So let's first understand what the decision was and what are the pathways through which
#
it could impact black money and those holding black money.
#
The decision was precisely to discontinue the legal tender status of 500,000 rupees
#
notes from 8th November midnight.
#
And these notes basically were 86% of the currency in circulation and lots of people
#
held these notes and some of these notes must have been held by those who had made black
#
money over a period of time.
#
Now people make black money and then they accumulate it over a period of time, right?
#
That's unaccounted wealth is the right term to use for that wealth that they hold.
#
And that wealth is held in many forms.
#
Some of it is probably held in cash form.
#
Some of it is held in form of property, binami, in gold, in the form of shares, in the form
#
of wealth stored in foreign accounts.
#
So there are many ways in which it may be held.
#
And this one pathway of impact on black money from demonetization is an attack on the cash
#
form of unaccounted wealth.
#
How much is that?
#
So, I mean, we don't have really good estimates of how much is that because we're not observing
#
all the behavior across the country about how unaccounted wealth is stored.
#
But one source of data that we have is from the rates that are conducted by the tax authorities
#
all over the country.
#
So if you look at the data that was provided by the Ministry of Finance in its 2012 white
#
paper on black money, it provides data from over 23,000 tax rates conducted over several
#
years from 2006 onwards.
#
And what it shows is that from the total undisturbed income that is found after these rates are
#
conducted and investigations are conducted and you figure out how much is undisturbed
#
income that a person was having less than 5% on an average is the cash that is caught
#
in these investigations and reads.
#
So it is not a totally precise estimate of the unaccounted wealth in cash form, but it's
#
a reasonably good beginning point.
#
Now based on some other considerations that you may have, you can adjust it.
#
But if it's less than 5% from this data, I would not be keen to accept any estimate more
#
than 6-7% of unaccounted wealth being in cash form.
#
So that's what we're talking about here.
#
That's the first pathway.
#
And even if a person loses all of that 5-6%, the welfare loss for him or her is not very
#
big because what can you buy with 100 crore that you can't buy with 93 crore or 94 crore.
#
So when it's the inconvenience, it's a tough time for a few days, maybe weeks, but it's
#
not going to disrupt your life entirely.
#
There is another pathway which we'll know over a period of time how it played out.
#
This is a pathway of enforcement opportunities.
#
So what has happened is that lots of people must be trying to launder money, trying to
#
hide money, trying to get money exchanged.
#
So in that process, some of them will make mistakes and will get caught.
#
We're hearing lots of news reports of tax authorities conducting raids on people with
#
new money or old money trying to get it laundered.
#
But it is not adding up to a large number, right?
#
I read a report, the Centre for Monitoring of Indian Economy had done a summary of all
#
these raids that have been conducted.
#
And so far, after two months, this is as of 6th of January 2017, the total undisclosed
#
income from all these raids added up to just over 5000 crore rupees.
#
And just imagine you've cancelled 15.4 lakh crore rupees of notes in circulation.
#
And this pathway has still not given you 5000 crore rupees, if this estimate is to be believed.
#
The other pathway which I just talked about where a loss has been inflicted upon the person
#
who is holding unaccounted wealth in cash form, we don't even know how much is that
#
because we have not yet been told, we are recording this on the 12th of January 2017
#
and we don't even know how much money does not come back into the system.
#
So that's one estimate about how much may have been destroyed in the hands of people
#
holding unaccounted wealth.
#
And even the money that doesn't come back, part of it may be genuine people who had to
#
take a loss.
#
Like I read an op-ed by someone who had a 50,000 rupees in crisp old but crisp notes
#
of 500 rupees each and that person simply had lost trace of it and found it after the
#
deadline had expired.
#
So we are in a situation where we can't truly tell, but even if you assume that all of the
#
money that doesn't come back, all the old money that doesn't come back is basically
#
black money that has been disrupted and destroyed, we have, it is not likely to be a big dent
#
on those holding black money because we have some idea that their total unaccounted wealth
#
only a small portion of it is in cash form.
#
So essentially to sum it up, one, this move attacked the stock and not the flow of black
#
money.
#
Two, even as far as the stock of black money was concerned, the estimates by the finance
#
ministry themselves based on these IT rates showed that around 5% of black money is actually
#
kept in the form of cash.
#
And even that from the anecdotal evidence I hear all around me has been laundered very,
#
very easily.
#
So the black money holders have at best suffered the kind of minor inconvenience that the Modi
#
government promised they would, but the people would, but the poor have suffered far, far
#
more.
#
Moving on to sort of the next rationale given for demonetization, which was that this will
#
attack fake currency, that there's a lot of counterfeit currency out there.
#
There were whispers about how Pakistan is introducing fake currency into the market
#
is used for terrorism and so on.
#
How much credence does this explanation hold?
#
So let me be very clear.
#
This decision will wipe out all the fake currency in the economy.
#
Most of it almost.
#
Why?
#
Because we know that most of the fake currency is in 500 and 1000 rupee notes.
#
So it's an achievement and that's a good thing to have happened.
#
However, let me just discuss the scale of this problem.
#
So the problem is being solved through this decision, but the scale also matters about
#
how big a problem it was and should such a disruptive decision have been taken to solve
#
that problem?
#
So National Investigation Agency along with the Indian Statistical Institute, Calcutta
#
had in early 2016 done an estimate of total black money, total fake currency in circulation
#
in India.
#
And that estimate pegged at around 400 crore rupees.
#
So out of about 18 lakh crore rupees of currency circulation, only about 400 crore rupees was
#
in fake Indian currency note FIC.
#
So one out of 4000 notes is basically was estimated to be the fake currency.
#
And this estimate is not done by some independent researcher sitting in his office, but by the
#
four most statistical institutes in this country and the foremost investigation agency in the
#
country.
#
So that was the scale and this would have disrupted it.
#
But it is not a permanent solution to the problem of fake currency because it's only
#
a question for those who are trying to circulate fake currency in the Indian economy.
#
They have to just adapt.
#
They have to change their machines and bring out new fake currencies.
#
There have already been reports of people trying to fake the new 2000 rupee notes through
#
very kind of crude methods as of now, but even the more sophisticated methods will be
#
used and they will come back.
#
But at least from what I have read about it, this is not usually the method that countries
#
employ for addressing fake currency.
#
Usually what is done is that slowly you phase out the old notes so that the fake currency
#
that was in those designs are removed, we did two years ago, we basically eliminated
#
the two 500 rupee notes that were issued before 2005 and that helped address the problem.
#
Secondly, you try to intercept when they are trying to infuse this currency into the economy.
#
So for example, we in India are able to intercept about a third of the fake currency that they
#
try to infuse.
#
So that takes care of a part of the problem.
#
So it's first of all, the scale is not as big.
#
If you look at the scale of this problem for USD and all is much bigger.
#
And secondly, there are other better methods, gradual, but better methods to address this
#
problem I think.
#
The third rationale which is often given is connected to the fake currency to some extent
#
is that terrorism and criminality thrive on, are a cash economy, they thrive on cash and
#
that they would be affected by this.
#
What's your take on this?
#
I think that's a reasonable expectation.
#
To a large extent, these activities are cash based.
#
For example, there have been reports that child trafficking has slowed down or totally
#
disrupted because it was a largely a cash based network.
#
But we have to think about whether this is a permanent impact on these activities or
#
even a medium term to long term impact, or is it something which is just in the transition?
#
Because the entire economy is disrupted because if you cancel out 86% of the currency circulation,
#
so all activities, a subset of those activities are criminal and terror activities.
#
And we have to see whether some of these networks are permanently disrupted.
#
That we will know over a period of time.
#
For example, some of the networks could not withstand the pressure of not having any activity
#
for two, three months or four months.
#
If they are permanently disrupted, that's a benefit for society in the long run.
#
But other than that, only short term, because you're already seeing reports of terrorist
#
activities being conducted and you've catched or killed terrorists who have the new notes
#
on their bodies.
#
You find new notes.
#
There was some encounter in Kashmir and there is no evidence at least from say, you look
#
at Kashmir, the number of terror attacks has not really decreased in these.
#
It's increased.
#
So there are so many other factors that come into play that it's very hard to assign causality
#
or any kind of counterfactual.
#
Maybe it would have been higher.
#
The terror attacks frequency would have been higher if demonetization was not done.
#
But I don't think there is any evidence to suggest or even a prior reasoning to suggest
#
that there's going to be a permanent impact on these activities.
#
But there will be a short term impact because as you rightly said, there's a considerable
#
amount of cash intensity to do these activities and that will be disrupted.
#
But I mean, demonetizing 86% of currency is not the argument.
#
This argument always seemed a little specious to me because I would think that, look, if
#
you disrupt all businesses, you will of course disrupt these kinds of businesses as well.
#
Like if you disrupt your all mobile network in the country, okay, then all will talk to
#
each other.
#
Exactly.
#
So I want to move on from this a bit.
#
I mean, the remarkable thing about this demonetization and why it's unfair to compare it to say,
#
you know, earlier demonetization is the last time when this happened in the late seventies,
#
the notes in question were really high denomination and they constituted only 0.6% of the total
#
cash supply.
#
These are 86% of the total cash supply.
#
A 500 rupee note today will buy you less than a 50 rupee note would have bought you in 1978.
#
So the common man uses these notes.
#
These aren't just used for storing illicit money, but actually for everyday transactions.
#
So tell me a little bit about the enormous impact this must have had on the economy.
#
So let me begin by just drawing a track from what you said that these are not really high
#
denomination notes.
#
These are higher denomination notes than other notes that circulate in the Indian economy.
#
So if you look at other countries, there is a 500 euro note, there is a thousand Swiss
#
franc note, there's a 10,000 yen note.
#
These are high denomination notes.
#
So in fact, EU has studied the use of 500 euro note and they also are trying to phase
#
out gradually, not in this overnight fashion, the 500 euro note, because the studies show
#
that it's being disproportionately used for storing black money or for criminal activities
#
and all, because not a practical medium of exchange note, right?
#
So these notes have two core key functions.
#
One is the store of value, store of white money value and black money value, right?
#
And the other function, which is a very important function, probably the most important function
#
is the medium exchange function.
#
It is used to buy things, to transact in the economy, right?
#
So these two are the uses.
#
What you are trying to address is the store of value function for black money.
#
That's the limited thing you want to address.
#
But in the process, you've disrupted the store of value in white money, as well as the whole
#
video exchange function in the economy.
#
And as I said, the 500 and 1000 rupee notes are not very, very big notes.
#
Everybody is using them.
#
These are practical medium exchange notes.
#
For example, if you want to go and buy grocery, you can easily get a thousand rupee change
#
because it's not a very expensive note in purchasing power parity terms is just $30
#
basically.
#
So now in the Indian economy, especially this is important to understand because the economy
#
is still very cash intensive in terms of the volume of transaction and the value of transaction
#
terms.
#
There's a lot of large value business to business transactions have moved online because it's
#
not practical to give 100 rupees in a cash form to a company from which you're buying
#
lots of auto parts, right?
#
That's not how it works.
#
But in retail, if you look at individual and retail behavior.
#
So let's look at two points.
#
One is how many people have used non-cash instruments.
#
So in 2013, there was a survey done, which showed that more than 90% people had never
#
used anything other than cash, never.
#
So that's one fact for you.
#
Second is that there are about 1.5 crore shops in this country, retail shops out of these
#
1.5 crore, there are only 14.6 lakh devices to accept debit or credit cards.
#
And some of these devices are actually such that in one shop, there are two or three devices.
#
So you can say less than 10% well below 10% shops have the facility to accept card based
#
payment.
#
Okay.
#
This was the reality on November 8th.
#
So of course these things should change and will change over a period of time.
#
But what does this means is there is a certain disruption that sets in on the decision is
#
taken in such a sudden way.
#
So what you're seeing is that, yes, some people have in terms of the number of transactions
#
moved to the cashless instruments and using it.
#
But even there, the values of transaction are actually not increasing.
#
They're actually dropping on average because they're trying to adapt and figure out whether
#
to spend, how much to spend and all of that.
#
We have to figure that out what is happening there.
#
But this is a massive monetary shock.
#
Now let me just come to contextualize the monetary shock a little bit.
#
When the decision was taken, they were about 18 lakh crore rupees of currency in circulation
#
out of which 15.4 lakh crore rupees were in 500,000 rupee notes, which was disrupted.
#
There are about 10.5 lakh crore rupees in demand deposits in banks and more than 96
#
lakh crore rupees in time deposit in banks.
#
Okay.
#
So this is a part of that overall money supply that is available to you and me for transacting
#
and for storing the value.
#
Now out of this currency circulation, 86% was destroyed, not the 86% of total money
#
supply.
#
So people who are only using cash for them, almost 100% of the practical medium exchange
#
cash was destroyed.
#
So those are where the impacts are likely to be.
#
So there's likely to be a lot of impact on the informal sector.
#
So if the Federation of Small and Medium Enterprises has said that 80% of their members have been
#
severely affected by this decision, we know the impact when better measurements are done,
#
surveys are done.
#
So in the formal economy where the GDP measurement will show a certain impact, we'll know in
#
a few quarters what is the impact because the recent estimate that was put out by CSO
#
does not take into account the data in November onwards, but we will know and the estimates
#
about what is that impact range from 0.5% to 3.5%.
#
I've not done any forecasting, but it is likely to be a significant impact.
#
And just remember that 1% of GDP is about 1.5 lakh crore rupees of cost and much more
#
important to understand and this cost will incurred by people who didn't do anything
#
wrong.
#
So the nature of this cost is very different from the nature of the benefit.
#
So you can't say that one rupee of benefit in the form of a loss inflicted on someone
#
who was holding black money is the same as one rupee of wage loss for a laborer who's
#
not able to get work.
#
So the nature of costs and dimensions are very different and you have to take that into
#
account while you're comparing by cost and benefits.
#
So even if suppose we figure out that two lakh crore rupees of loss was inflicted on
#
people with black money, you better have much smaller cost to justify that.
#
You cannot say that as long as one lakh, 99,999 crore rupees worth of costs have been incurred,
#
it's okay because the benefit out of the cost, no, that's not how it should work because
#
if you truly take the welfare implications into account, the welfare implication for
#
someone holding the black money and getting a 5% haircut is almost negligible while welfare
#
implication of a person not able to get wage for 10, 15, 20 days is much more significant.
#
So that you have to take into account.
#
That's good applied economics that in fact is a part of policy making when you do cost
#
benefit analysis in many countries, you'd have to take equity considerations into account
#
and once you take into account my hypothesis right now is that costs are going to outweigh
#
the benefits.
#
I mean the humanitarian costs are massive and one reason for this is that despite the
#
government's energetic PR on this matter, the fact is that a lot of people weren't
#
equipped to even begin moving towards a cashless economy.
#
The fact remains that around 600 million people or 60 crore people don't have bank accounts
#
and 300 million people don't have any form of ID whatsoever.
#
So this means all the people who store their life savings in cash, a significant number
#
of them aren't even able to go to the bank to exchange it for new notes or to move seamlessly
#
into what you call the digital economy and what's your take on the sort of the impact
#
on the informal sector and the impact on the poorest of the poor?
#
So data will come in right over a period of time we learn more about what's the impact
#
on different sectors and different I mean wage employment creation, the association
#
of manufacturers in India have put a very drastic numbers out of the job loss because
#
of this, revenue loss because of this, 30-40% job loss, 50% drop in revenues, they put
#
out a large survey just a few days ago about the impact on their members, these are the
#
manufacturers, this is the making India crowd.
#
So you've got these bits and pieces of data that are coming out, some of them are pretty
#
significant and we have to look further into what is going on and some others we will know
#
over a period of time.
#
But even if you don't have this data, you're sitting on 8th of November, you should be
#
able to say with some level of confidence with certain range, what is the likely impact
#
on these because these are businesses which have supply chains, which are very cash intensive,
#
you know, they may be a case to be made for pushing, I mean slowly nudging them towards
#
a less cash behavior, you know, but to do this in this manner is a little, you know,
#
difficult to accept.
#
So and what is the environment in which this is happening?
#
If you look at the corporate data from 2016, about a third of the firms in India, which
#
do regular reporting, were in financial stress.
#
What does that mean?
#
It means this precisely that their operating profit was less than their interest obligation
#
in a given year, okay.
#
So that means that they're not even able to earn enough to be able to service their debt,
#
which means they're very close to failure, right?
#
So a third of them were there before this event happened.
#
Now suppose some of them fail because of this.
#
So those that organizational capital that was created by some bunch of entrepreneurs
#
and people working together over years and decades to create that will be lost forever.
#
That's a permanent loss for the economy, that's a productivity loss.
#
People who are working there for them, it's a job loss and given the fact that generally
#
their economic condition is not good.
#
You look at the investment data, the gross fixed capital formation, data on new investment
#
announcements, data on fixed assets of firms, all across there's been a drop in the last
#
before the unification also, there was a significant drop, for example, GFCF is this year expected
#
to even the CSO's own projections drop, which is a very rare thing because GFCF is a measure
#
of investment in the economy and in a developing country, it usually just grows.
#
But if you look at the last decade, in most years it has grown by double digit numbers.
#
This year it's going to shrink.
#
So that's the context in which this is happening.
#
So if it was a very good situation and we were in a real boom situation, then the impact
#
would have been a little less because many less firms would have been on the border of
#
failure between failure and survival.
#
But now there's so many firms on that border that's more likely to be pushed down to failure.
#
And that's a discontinuity.
#
That's not just, you know, a step down, that's a throw into the abyss.
#
You fall into the abyss.
#
It's like a quantum leap backwards.
#
Yes.
#
So those firms and they fail, I mean, it's not a reduction in profit, it's a destruction
#
of organizational capital.
#
It's a direction of certain jobs, certain productivity in the economy, which is lost
#
forever and it will take years to recreate it because you know, I mean, how difficult
#
it is to create a firm and make it survive, create some jobs.
#
And this was a particularly bad time because firms are already hurting.
#
One interesting statistic I saw, which illustrates how different strata of society have been
#
affected by demonetization is automobile sales, which have dipped sharply.
#
Most of all in the two wheeler and three wheeler segments, but SUVs haven't really seen a dip,
#
which indicates that those who are relatively well healed and traditionally the holders
#
of black money have done their jogar, they've laundered whatever they had to launder and
#
it's really just a poor who are suffering.
#
All of the economic disruption that is happening now, these firms going through welfare shocks
#
and shutting down all the people losing their jobs, the migrant labor shifting back and
#
asking for NREGA, how does it play out in the long run?
#
Is it like a sort of a temporary disruption and all the migrant labor will be back in
#
the cities next quarter or is it something that has ripple effects that go much beyond
#
this and keep hurting the economy over a period of time?
#
So let's set aside economic theory and just talk in terms of what we observe in the world.
#
So yes, I'm expecting that by end of March, cash shortage will be mostly eased, right?
#
ETMs will have cash, branches will not decline you money beyond 24,000 and all of that.
#
So let's assume that is going to happen and things likely to happen.
#
So at that point, some people are saying the disruption is the shock is going to end.
#
Yes, the shock in terms of the monetary shock will end that day, but there are knock on
#
effects.
#
How does the world work?
#
Right?
#
Like why do companies produce, why do business factories produce?
#
Because you and I can go and buy.
#
Why are we, you and I able to buy because we are earning from somewhere, right?
#
Why are we being paid because there is some demand for our labor, you know, by in those
#
companies that we work or wherever we work and on and on it goes, right?
#
When you disrupt this, like for example, you talked about auto sales, there's been a huge
#
shock on two and three wheeler sale, right?
#
Which will show up in the production numbers later.
#
The production should be realigned to produce fewer two and three wheelers.
#
You don't want to just produce the stock, right?
#
That's extremely inefficient.
#
So that has an impact on the employment in these sectors and their ancillary industries,
#
right?
#
So those people will earn a little less.
#
If they earn a little less, they will be spending a little less.
#
And that will have a knock on effect on the demand and in various sectors in the economy.
#
That's one pathway.
#
Second is that banks whose NPAs are at 9.1% of their total advances is, are going to probably,
#
I mean, they have to see how it goes, is probably going to be in a much worse shape.
#
First of all, the immediate impact because it's two, three months, they're not doing
#
anything other than this dispensing of cash.
#
So they haven't had the time to really figure out collection and all of that.
#
But some of the firms that were basically indebted by the banks will go into stress
#
because of this event and there will be more bad debt created because of that.
#
Some more NPAs might be created in some countries which was about to come back into a situation
#
where they can repay the bank loan would now probably again go back.
#
So if the banking sector gets into another crisis, a bigger crisis, it's already in a
#
crisis and it gets worse, then the credit supply can get choked, right?
#
We are at a credit growth, which is lowest in about two decades, right?
#
It's like six, it's hovering over six, seven percent.
#
And I mean, if you account for inflation, it's almost flat, which is very, very rare.
#
We have seen two digit credit growth for the most part.
#
So in the last few decades.
#
So the question is that these are different pathways which are going to play out.
#
I'm not going to give a specific prediction about how it's going to play out, but I'm
#
just describing to you generally how we observe the world and how this how the general equilibrium
#
response happens, right?
#
These different demand shocks will play out into production.
#
Production will again affect demand and there is a knock on effect.
#
The banking sector crisis, if it becomes further worse, is going to then play out into the
#
ability of firms to borrow and then borrow to invest or borrow even to just keep survive.
#
So these all impacts will play out and then that will determine how long the crisis lasts.
#
So it's not going to end in March 2017.
#
It will last longer.
#
How much longer?
#
We don't know.
#
I mean, I'm assuming about a year more of difficulties of this type will be there.
#
And then depending on how the government responds and what reforms are done and how people's
#
own ingenuity, you know, rises to respond to these challenges, we will see how long
#
it lasts.
#
So I want to end with a slightly deeper and more fundamental question.
#
One way of the one way the government spins a demonetization is saying that, yes, is disrupting
#
the informal sector, the cash sector in a really big way, but that's a good thing because
#
we need to get rid of the informal sector and, you know, have just a formal economy
#
where everyone's paying their taxes and so on and so forth.
#
And I've the way I've always looked at it is that the existence of an informal sector
#
is not a reflection of the moral failing of the people, but of an institutional failure
#
on the part of the state.
#
Is that something you'd agree with?
#
And I mean, how would one unpack this?
#
Why is an informal sector necessarily a bad thing?
#
Why does it exist in the first place?
#
So let me take it point by point.
#
First let's take an example of a brick manufacturing setup in say my village.
#
It's set up by some person who has never even told the state that he or she exists or his
#
or her enterprise exists.
#
Never told anybody.
#
There's no registered company, never paid tax, but you say implies 20 people directly
#
and indirectly produces some brick useful for a society cells and make them.
#
I mean, the very fact that they exist means that they're providing a value to society
#
because people are buying bricks, bricks are useful.
#
People build houses, etc, etc.
#
So what is wrong with this person?
#
The most important wrong that this person is doing is the fact that he or she is not
#
paying taxes.
#
Right.
#
That's the main thing.
#
Other than this, he's not registered a company and all of that, employing people without
#
reporting to the labor department, all of that is there, but the main thing.
#
So what is the outcome we want from this?
#
I mean, what is socially optimal?
#
Socially optimal is this person starts paying taxes, you know, maybe pay some back penalty
#
for the taxes he or she has avoided for a few years and start paying taxes and then
#
comes into the formal sector and starts, you know, being a part of this formal economy,
#
official economy that will be good because I'm assuming the taxes are fair and all of
#
that.
#
Let's abstract that away.
#
There will be concerns about taxation and all of that.
#
So that's one, but if this you do demonetization and this business is highly cash intensive
#
and it dies, then the society is not really better off because those 20 jobs are gone.
#
This organizational capital, of course informal is gone forever.
#
So how is this more optimal than having a, I mean, this semi-legal enterprise producing
#
is a legal activity.
#
I mean, making bricks is not illegal, he's doing it in a illegal way.
#
So that, that, that is, I mean, I'm not approving of that, but that's one way of looking at
#
it.
#
Just take an example of such enterprises and see what would be better for society that
#
you go after these guys, catch them and make them pay taxes and then continue, let them
#
continue with their businesses, right?
#
Or you just take the risk of destroying some of them because of demonetization.
#
That's one.
#
Second is that you have to think about why people do informalization.
#
Like let's talk about say labor force, right?
#
A lot of informalization have been induced by our own labor laws.
#
I mean, it's a cliche to say it.
#
Everybody knows the issues there, why more than 90% employed informally into the economy
#
because to employ someone formally comes with such huge obligations that it is better for
#
you to tempt and essentially compliance is either impossible or the cost of compliance
#
is too high.
#
So competitiveness purposes.
#
So if in the same sector, there are some people who are doing a lot of contracting and temping
#
and some people who are mostly taking on roles, formalizing labor, then the latter are going
#
to be in a disadvantage because the former don't have to incur those compliance costs
#
and are not bound by the restrictions on hiring and firing and all those kinds of issues.
#
So there are those reasons also, which the state very much has its control, you know,
#
like state in a broad sense, central government as well as state government, they have certain
#
powers which they can use to ease those burdens, which will then encourage formalization.
#
There will still be people who will always want to stay under the radar for them.
#
Enforcement is a strategy.
#
You go after them, you cash them and you bring them to the law, right?
#
Like, okay, you've been avoiding taxes for 10 years, you pay taxes, your penalties, all
#
of that.
#
So that's the way to go.
#
But to use this kind of a blend instrument and some people have said this is an experiment
#
and it's an experiment for society, but there are experiments that are worth running and
#
the experiments that are maybe not so good running.
#
Like some writers said that there's an invisible hiding hand, you know, the benevolent hiding
#
hand, but that's Hirschman's characterization.
#
He took 11 cases and wrote that there's a benevolent hiding hand.
#
It's a very interesting concept.
#
It says this, that when the policymaker is announcing a new project, he usually underestimates
#
the risk of risks in the project, the obstacles you're going to face.
#
And that's good because later human ingenuity ensures that the benefits outweigh the costs.
#
That's his hypothesis based on 11 cases.
#
But in 2015, there was a paper that Cass and Steyn and his co-author did who looked at
#
more than 300 cases put together.
#
And they found that in about 80% cases, it's a malevolent hiding hand, not the benevolent.
#
In about 80% cases, what you see is that the costs are higher than what you had initially
#
imagined.
#
The benefits are slower because it's the opposite that happens.
#
It's not that human ingenuity works to increase the benefits and reduce the cost for society.
#
In fact, the opposite happens because many people are able to take advantage and all
#
of that.
#
So the pathways are not very clear, but there are empirically compared to the initial expected
#
benefits and expected costs.
#
The final costs are higher and benefits are smaller than about 80% of these 300 odd cases.
#
So empirically Hirschman's benevolent hiding hand is more of an exception out of five,
#
in case you will find where the benevolent hiding hand is working and the experiment
#
is going to succeed and make the society better.
#
Even if you don't know the outcome in the beginning, right?
#
You underestimate the costs and overestimate the benefit at the beginning.
#
But when it actually plays out, you may realize that you actually overestimated the benefits
#
and underestimate the costs.
#
So we have to look at it that way.
#
And this particular experiment, I suspect is going to be more of a malevolent hiding
#
hand.
#
Because the way it's playing out, everybody is guilty unless poor and innocent.
#
Everybody is a little suspicious.
#
So people are going to respond to basically not look at what is the larger problem that
#
has been solved and how we can contribute to it.
#
They're going to just save themselves or take the opportunity to do whatever they can
#
for themselves about it.
#
So although lately we have been hearing the narrative that you're all in it together,
#
we are all fighting this together for about a month, month and a half, it was like a lot
#
of uncertainty.
#
There was a state and there were people on the other side and everybody who was depositing
#
or exchanging was suspect and now a taxman could come after you and all of that.
#
So we should not be very confident that this is going to necessarily become a benevolent
#
hiding hand and we're going to have a successful experiment.
#
Even if the planning was wrong, people's ingenuity will bring it up and make it a good decision
#
because the nature of the decision does not lend itself to those kinds of responses from
#
the society.
#
In my view.
#
Suresh, thanks a lot for talking to us about the malevolent unseen effects of demonetization.
#
It was a pleasure having you on the show.
#
Thank you.
#
Thank you.
#
It was fun talking to you, Amit.
#
The day demonetization was announced, I wrote to my editor at the Times of India for whom
#
I write occasional guest columns that this was a defining political event of the decade.
#
I think I might have understated it.
#
Since this podcast was recorded, the IMF has released their estimate of GDP growth for the
#
years to come.
#
According to their forecast, our growth forecast has dropped by a full percentage point to
#
6.6 for this year.
#
This is not a mere statistic.
#
As my friend Nitin Pai of the Takshashila Institution has pointed out, a 1% increase
#
in GDP means that around 2 million people come out of poverty.
#
Demonetization, therefore, is a humanitarian disaster with real human costs, and most of
#
its unseen effects will remain unseen as private tragedy, barely reflected in public data.
#
As it happens, both Suresh and I have written extensively on this subject, and you can read
#
our pieces on this episode's page on sceneunseen.in.
#
On that note, I bid you goodbye until next week when Devangshu Datta will join me to
#
discuss GST, the goods and services tax.
#
If you enjoyed listening to the scene in the unseen, check out this exciting new podcast
#
from IndusVox Media called Keeping it Queer.
#
Keeping it Queer is hosted by my friend Navin Narona, and he profiles LGBT people from all
#
across the country, and some of the stories are really poignant.
#
Check it out on Audioboom or iTunes.
#
Our podcasts bring all the boys to the yard, and damn right, they're better than yours.
#
But you don't need to stand outside in the yard.
#
Just follow IVM Podcasts on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram.
#
We might be on Tinder too.
#
Just go ahead and swipe right.